We Shall Have to
Overcome on Some Other Day
A donkey carrying baskets was
told by his shepherd master to flee when enemies approached. The donkey asked
if the enemy would put another pair of baskets on him and if not, why flee.
In a change of government, the
poor change nothing beyond the name of their master.
-The Shepherd and the Donkey
Aesop’s
Fables
Nothing Changed Beyond the Name
There
will be many analyses of the Cameron Highlands by-election result. It is
obvious Pakatan Harapan did not win sufficient Malay support and there was a
lower voter turnout compared to the 14th General Elections. In the
ultimate analysis, the result is a reflection of Malaysians agreeing with
Aesop’s donkey. Other than a change of the prime minister and name of the
coalition, the Pakatan Harapan government has not implemented the promised
substantive reforms. The danger arising from the Cameron Highlands result is PH
will be engaged in a race to the bottom of ethnic extremism with UMNO/PAS. With
it comes greater ethnic tensions and deeper ethnic cleavages. All of us,
Malaysians, like Martin Luther King Jr. have a dream. We have all been inspired
by the song “We Shall Overcome.” It has become the anthem against injustice. It
is a song about a promise: “We shall overcome someday. Deep in my heart, I do
believe.” But in the light of recent events, May 9 was not the day. We shall
have to overcome on some other day.
Elite Capture of the Government
Inequality
and racial politics in Malaysia is inter-related. The country’s persistent and
growing inequality between the rich and the poor, economic deprivation suffered
by various groups and deepening social fragmentation is due to racial politics.
Racial politics have been perpetuated by the political and economic elite in
order to maintain their wealth, influence and control of political and economic
power. The country descending into a dysfunctional state is also due to elite
capture of the BN government. It is a result of the political-economic elite’s insatiable
greed.
The
political-economic elite uses the political power in their hands to control the
government institutions responsible for distribution of resources and to ensure
that policies that benefit them are retained at the expense of a disempowered
majority. The political-economic elite through political patronage maintain a
system to establish monopolies and activities to extract rent. They manipulate
politicians and administrators to cater to their narrow economic interests
through inequitable practices that tend to discriminate against other groups.
This
political-economic elite capture has been systemic, permeating through all
layers from the highest seat of executive power down to the lowest municipal
councils. From the awarding of Billion Ringgit infrastructure projects to
Twenty-Five Thousand Ringgit projects to class F contractors.
The
PH reforms are to check the predatory behavior of the political-economic elite.
The reforms are to put into place greater accountability, governance and
empowerment of the middle and poorer classes. The reforms are to ensure
equality before the law and securing both personal and property rights to give
individuals the incentive and opportunity to take part in economic and
political life without being beholden to the political-economic elite.
Rise of the Political-Economic Elite
A massive
rural development fund was launched by the Ministry of Rural and National
Development in 1959 by Tun Abdul Razak then Deputy Prime Minister, since then UMNO
politicians became not only interested in the business of politics but also
more interested in the politics of business – generating income, wealth and
influence in the business of rural development. The development projects were
won by UMNO politicians and subcontracted to Chinese contractors.[i] It
came to be planted in the minds of many young Malays and aspiring entrepreneurs
that there seemed to be a shortcut, a “political way” to make the materialistic
leap to become rich rather quickly. Upward social mobility is by climbing the
rungs of the political ladder and money politics was born. Following the first
Bumiputera Economic Congress in 1965 and the second three years later in 1968,
detailed strategies and programmes were made to implement the nationalist
economic agenda which culminated in the New Economic Policy in 1971. The
evolution of the Bumiputera Commercial and Industrial Community (BCIC) progressed
in tandem with the protracted affirmative action under the NEP. Terrence Gomez
and K.S. Jomo have pointed out that most Malay businessmen wanted state
intervention to preserve their special privileges. They contended that such
Bumiputera capitalists were rent-seekers rather than genuine entrepreneurs. They
regarded the activities of these Bumiputera capitalists as unproductive and a hindrance
to economic development.[ii] The
Najib administration in its failed attempt to implement the New Economic Model
admitted to the scourge of political patronage and rent-seeking behavior of
these political-economic elite.[iii] The
National Economic Advisory Council (“NEAC”) in its publication “The New
Economic Model for Malaysia Part 1” stated as follows:
“Ethnic-based economic policies worked but
implementation issues also created problems. The NEP has reduced poverty and
substantially addressed inter-ethnic economic imbalances. However, its
implementation has also increasingly and inadvertently raised the cost of doing
business due to rent-seeking, patronage and often opaque government
procurement. This has engendered pervasive corruption which needs to be
addressed earnestly.”
Terence
Gomez in his book “Minister of Finance Incorporated: Ownership and Control of
Corporate Malaysia” has drawn attention to the disturbing development that
control of corporate Malaysia has been taken over by the Government-Linked
Investment Companies (“GLICs”) which included Khazanah Nasional Berhad,
Permodalan Nasional Berhad, with the Ministry of Finance at the apex of the
structure. Gomez has pointed out that the nexus involving politics and business
has fundamentally shifted from UMNO politicians to the office of the Minister
of Finance which was then concurrently held by the Prime Minister during the
time of Najib Tun Razak.[iv]
Gomez in a recent article “Patronage is king in new Malaysia” voiced his
concern that under the Tun Mahathir administration, control of the GLICs have
been removed from the Ministry of Finance and transferred to the newly created
Economic Affairs Ministry while Khazanah Nasional was placed under the Prime
Minister’s Department. At the Congress on the Future of Bumiputeras and the
Nation, Tun Mahathir stressed the need to reinstitute the practice of selective
patronage targeting Bumiputeras.[v]
Gomez posed the question whether PH will carry out divestment of the GLICs
businesses to create a new breed of powerful well-connected business groups,
even oligarchs.
Fallacious Racial Arguments
Racial
politics is premised on the elite of the dominant racial group possessing
political power to gain privileged access to scarce resources and benefits:
property rights, jobs, scholarships, educational admissions, language rights,
government contracts and development allocations. It is based on the argument
that by the elite’s predominance, the elite is able to provide for those
“included” in the dominant racial group while excluding those in the “Other”
racial groups. It is only in this manner, so the argument goes, that members of
the “in” group can be assured of improvement to their economic well-being and
survival at the expense of the “Other.”
Scholars
have explained that ethnic tensions are created by ethnic activists and
political entrepreneurs making blatant ethnic appeals to outbid moderate
politicians, thereby mobilizing members of their ethnic group, polarizing
society and magnifying inter-ethnic dilemmas. Non-rational factors such as
emotions, historical memories and myths create a vicious cycle that threatens
to pull multi-ethnic societies apart.[vi] The
political-economic elite have perpetuated these myths and fallacies to maintain
their dominance and influence. They hijacked and abused the NEP and racial
preferential policies for their personal gain while the objective of creating
an independent Bumiputera entrepreneur class remains unrealized.
Racial Myths Debunked
The
corruption, plundering and kleptomania exhibited by the previous BN regime have
shattered the fallacies of racial politics. These political elite not only
stole from the national coffers but also robbed the till of sacred institutions
established to promote Bumiputera well-being such as FELDA, MARA, Tabung Haji
and others. By their misconduct the myth that only ministers and government
officials from UMNO or endorsed by UMNO can be trusted to take care of the
Malays has been debunked. The deception sustained throughout the years that the
personality, integrity and capability of the elected representative are not factors
for consideration as long as he is a Malay from UMNO has also been fully
exposed. The fiction that non-Malays cannot be trusted to take care of the
Malays is being dispelled with the appointment of non-Malays as the Finance
Minister, Attorney-General, Chief Justice and others. In the process, it is
revealed those who benefited the most from the distrust, suspicions, hatred and
fear amongst the various ethnic groups are the political-economic elite
themselves while the largest group of the impoverished after 5 decades of the
NEP continue to be the Malays and Bumiputeras.
Centripetalism put into practice
The
changeover from BN to PH have allowed PH elected representatives, government
agencies and institutions to depoliticize ethnicity by resolving the people’s
problems on cross-ethnic basis. Malay constituents can take their problems
directly to their non-Malay PH elected representatives without having to go
through the local UMNO division chiefs. The non-Malay constituents similarly
can approach their Malay PH elected representatives without having MCA or MIC
local leaders as intermediaries. The constituents enjoy the confidence that the
matters are resolved on an objective basis and not subject to ethnic interests
or considerations. In this way
politicians can take moderate positions that accommodate all ethnic groups and
avoid extreme or divisive positions. In the process the politicians gain
support from across the ethnic divide. This process is now endangered if ethnic
extremists are allowed to take central stage again and the space for moderates
diminishes.
Patching Up the Tattered Myths
On
May 9, the Pakatan Harapan government was given a golden opportunity to
restructure the policies putting an end to divisive racial politics. It was a
chance of a lifetime to put right the growing inequality of income, wealth and
well-being of Malaysians irrespective of race and religion, to enhance social
cohesion, provide for all their right to flourish and live the life they value
in dignity and restore the nation to its rightful global economic order. It was
bought and paid for by the blood, sweat and tears of those who sacrificed their
careers, reputation and freedom over 20 years, for some stretching back 40
years or more.
It
is therefore tragic that Tun Mahathir and the Pakatan Harapan government did
not fully grasp the opportunity offered. Instead, Tun Mahathir and his
administration have stopped at only changing the personalities. They have not
gone further to carry out the much-needed reforms. Recent events show, Tun
Mahathir does not fully embrace the Pakatan Harapan reform agenda. He has now
embarked on a contest to win Malay support from UMNO and PAS by showing that
Bersatu is a better champion of Malay rights. In doing so, Tun Mahathir is
building a roof of Malay dominance to cover the Pakatan Harapan foundation of
multi-racial and multi-cultural beliefs. Tun Mahathir is stitching back and
patching up the tattered myths of racial politics. He is resuscitating the old
political-economic elite and attracting new ones to come under the Bersatu umbrella.
Tun Mahathir is now working to replace UMNO hegemony with a Bersatu hegemony:
·
On
1st November 2018, Tun Mahathir defended the NEP and its racial
preferential programme in opening the Congress on the Future of the Bumiputera
and the Nation 2018. He defended the practice of awarding contracts by “direct
negotiations” and to continue doing away with meritocracy;
·
On
1st November 2018, Dato Sri Azmin Ali, the Economic Affairs Minister
in his parliament winding-up speech during the debate on the 11th
Malaysia Mid-Term Review said that the PH government will continue with the
spirit of the NEP and to realize its objectives;
·
On
23rd November 2018, in the wake of UMNO and PAS objections, the
cabinet reversed its decision to ratify the International Convention on the
Elimination of Racial Discrimination (ICERD). The decision left Gun Kut, a
member of the United Nations committee member monitoring the implementation of
ICERD dumbfounded. He says the cabinet decision makes Malaysia to be seen as
accepting racial discrimination;
·
By
15th December 2018, a total of 16 MPs have quit UMNO and Bersatu
proposes to accept them into its fold. These defectors have not shown they have
changed their political philosophy or shed their UMNO culture;
·
On
29th December 2018, Tun Mahathir at the Parti Pribumi Bersatu
Malaysia’s 2nd General Assembly (the “Bersatu General Assembly”) hammered
home the final nail in the coffin of multiracial politics and inclusive
policies.
Tun
Mahathir in his speech at the Bersatu General Assembly said the time has not
yet come for multiracial political parties. Tun Mahathir reprised Malay fears
of the other ethnic groups. He reminded the Malays that they would be left
behind economically by the other races in their own motherland. He said the
Malays need to hold on to political power to save their race. To retain their
freedom. To do so, they have to unite behind Bersatu. They have to ensure the government
is led by a Malay dominant party. The Malays need to sacrifice themselves for
the greater good of their race and for their children’s future such as he is
prepared to do, even to the extent of being called a racist.
Although,
Tun Mahathir is asking the Malays to march to the beat of a different drummer,
he is nevertheless, using the same ethno-nationalist drums beating out the same
sounds of “blood and soil” that UMNO uses. In fact, Tun Mahathir pointed out in
his speech, Bersatu is the UMNO of 2003.
Back on the Road to Serfdom and Mediocrity
It
is undoubted that Tun Mahathir is sincere and earnest in his belief that social
cohesion and addressing inequality amongst the different ethnic groups are to
be achieved through the racial preferential policies of the NEP and Malay
political dominance. There is, however, a viable alternative in the form of
needs-based affirmative action and inclusive policies but these are not being
taken up. Sadly, we are being taken back down the road to serfdom again. New
Malaysia instead of being a society in search of excellence, will continue to
perfect mediocrity. Instead of good governance and accountability, political
patronage and rent-seeking will continue to thrive. Instead of social cohesion,
there will be further social fragmentation, greater mistrust and deeper ethnic
division among the citizens than before.
Dreams
of equality and social justice have become another case of blowing in the wind.
We nevertheless must soldier on in the struggle for justice and freedom. We
only lose when we give-up. The original verse in “We Shall Overcome” becomes
more relevant to Malaysians now. It is
“If in my heart I
do not yield,
I do believe,
I shall overcome
someday”
This article is the personal opinion of the author and is not to
be taken as the position of the political party or of any groups or that this
opinion is endorsed by them.
William Leong Jee Keen
Member of Parliament Selayang
28 January 2019
[i] Shamsul A.B, “The Economic
Dimension of Malay Nationalism”
[ii] Gomez Edmund T and K.S. Jomo
(1999), “Malaysia’s Political Economy: Politics, Patronage and Profits
Cambridge University Press”
[iii] The New Economic Model Part 1
page 7
[iv] Edmund Terence Gomez, “Minister
of Finance Incorporated: Ownership and Control of Corporate Malaysia.”
[v] Terence Gomez, “Patronage is
king in new Malaysia” Malaysiakini 12 January 2019.
[vi] David A. Lake and Donald
Rothchild, “Containing Fear: The Origins and Management of Ethic Conflict”
