Shared Prosperity Requires a Shared Malaysia
By William Leong Jee Keen
16th October 2013
The Shared Prosperity Vision 2030 (SPV 2030) rings hollow in the wake of
the Malay Dignity Congress. Shared Prosperity without a Shared Society is meaningless.
The speeches, particularly by Professor Datuk
Zainal Kling, and the five demands presented to Prime Minister Tun Mahathir,
brought home the challenges to unity in our multi-ethnic society.
Recent events show exclusionary
ethnic-nationalism has returned with a vengeance. This time the rhetoric is
more inflammatory and intolerant.
It is depressing that new Malaysia is on the
same old road of racial divisiveness.
Unless action is taken to address exclusionary
ethnic-nationalism, SPV 2030 will be another empty slogan like “Unity in Diversity.” After 56 years,
unity has never been achieved. This is because “Ketuanan Melayu” actually holds sway.
While political/economic elites, the real
beneficiaries of race preferential policies, became billionaires, ethnic
minorities and indigenous groups were marginalized or left behind. As
intra-Malay inequality widened, ethnic-nationalism consoled the members to take
pride in their ethnicity: “I am still
poor but at least I take pride that a member of my race has become a
billionaire.”
These racial policies led to political
patronage, rent-seeking activities and corruption. They were seen as top-down
exclusionary and discriminating practices reinforcing a narrative that ethnic
minorities are “less than equal” citizens.
They fueled a derogative perception of colonial stereotypes of ethnic
minorities.
The new government and opposition are both
pandering and promulgating the same old vision of race and traditions of “blood and soil.” Both apply the same “threat-cohesion” strategy. Threats to
group status are generally thought to unite threatened in-groups and strengthen
cohesion among group members. The trade-off is the dehumanization and
demonization of the “Other.”
Following UMNO-PAS led protests, the cabinet
reversed its decision to ratify ICERD and withdrew Malaysia from the Rome
Statute. There is now a call to boycott halal products manufactured by
non-Muslims.
Tun Mahathir invited all Malay parties
including UMNO and PAS to join Bersatu for the sake of Malay unity. UMNO deputy
president, Mohd Hassan, has reciprocated by offering Tun Mahathir and Bersatu
to team up with UMNO-PAS. A delegation of representatives from UMNO, PAS and
Gabungan Parti Sarawak (GPS) pledged
support for Tun Mahathir to continue as prime minister for a full term. This is
not in keeping with the transition bargain.
Tun Mahathir has turned down the offer. It is
cold comfort because even Caesar who thrice refused the crown finally accepted
it.
The prospect of an all Malay parties’ coalition
is chilling, not because of Malay unity but that a more virulent form of
exclusionary ethnic-nationalism will emerge.
The repeated reminders that Malay dominance are
under threat, the position of Article 153 affected and access to economic and
social resources will be diminished have increased racism, hatred, bigotry and
xenophobia. The inherently divisiveness of ethnic-nationalism will become more
toxic, oppressive and chauvinistic. They will undermine social inclusion and
social cohesion.
What can be done?
Leaders, civil society organizations and all
peoples have to play their part towards building understanding and tolerance.
What can Leaders do?
The Pakatan leadership must have the courage to
act.
Arguments of “stable-tension” are illusory. Consociationalism was replaced by
UMNO’s dominance long ago. The oppressed are quiet only because of repressive
laws and the application of legal violence. These do not generate legitimacy,
only resentment, which will boil-over some day. Ethnic-based tensions lead to
hatred, conflict and violence.
Ethnic-nationalism, it’s beginning in
national-awakening struggles for independence or self-determination is always
heroic. When it is unable to transform to civic-nationalism after attaining
independence, it’s end for a multi-ethnic society is often cruelty. This is
because the objective of ethnic-nationalism is for the nation-state to be home
to only one homogeneous ethnic group. History is littered with minorities of multi-ethnic
societies suffering forced deportations, expulsions, pogroms, ethnic cleansing
and genocide.
Long before that, brain drain and capital
flight would have taken its toll on the country. These costs of race
preferential policies are reported in the April 2011 World Bank Economic
Monitor.
Anwar Ibrahim is pinned by the transition
bargain. He can only engage in strategic patience. He cannot openly disagree
with the Prime Minister less he is accused of being impatient and rocking the
boat. He will have to find the means to prevail upon the Prime Minister that
exclusionary ethnic-nationalism is a dead-end. It will wreck the country.
Leaders must instill in all Malaysians that
there is no place for explicit discriminatory appeals nor inciting racial hatred.
There must be no tolerance for the intolerant. Leaders must have the resolve to
fight bigotry and defend basic universal principles of human decency taught by
all religions.
The talk of Malays losing their rights are
nothing more than fearmongering. This must be stopped. Our leaders must
reassure Malays their rights are not eroded by fully including others. They
must convince them that prosperity is not a zero-sum game. The differences each
ethnic group brings to the table will be for the betterment of all.
The 2020 Budget has put substance to Pakatan’s
promises and exposed the opposition’s misrepresentations: RM445 million grants
to support Bumiputera entrepreneurial development; RM4.4 billion to the
Ministry of Agriculture with a focus towards enhancing farmers’ income; RM152
million increase for fishermen’s allowances; RM810 million for welfare of the
FELDA community; RM738 million to RISDA and FELCRA smallholders; RM10.9 billion
for rural development; RM8 billion to assist Bumiputera institutions and
entrepreneurs; RM1.3billion for Islamic affairs.
The government must now capture the narrative.
Cabinet ministers are constrained by the
parliamentary convention of collective ministerial responsibility. They must
publicly support all government decisions even if they privately do not agree
with them. They have to speak up at cabinet meetings against the ongoing
outbidding of “Malayness.” So long
as nationalism is associated with one particular ethnic or religious group, it
will serve to exclude and disadvantage others. This is bad nationalism.
The only way to keep the destructive potential
of nationalism in check is to fight for a society in which collective identity transcends
ethnic and religious boundaries - one in which citizens from all ethnic and
religious backgrounds are treated with the same respect as citizens from the
majority group.
Inclusive nationalism, shared values and a
shared national identity must be encouraged. Francis Fukuyama calls it a
creedal national identity. It is to define larger and more integrative national
identities that take into account society’s diversity.
What can the people
do?
We have to work together to build social
cohesion. We must learn to share our society. There is no other option.
Do unto others what
you want other to do unto you
Non-Malays must learn that respect and dignity
is a two-way street. Those who insult the race and religion of another deserve
to be dealt with severely.
They must understand, just as they demand
respect and dignity for their own identities, so must they respect and honour
the dignity of others. We are not racists but we rush to the defense of our
respective in-groups when they are threatened. When no such threat is perceived
we are usually not intolerant. On the same basis, we should not label others as
racists by their defensive-reaction to political entrepreneurs’ reminders that
Malays/Muslims are under threat.
Fear of losing dominance and defensive-reaction
are pushing Malays/Muslims into the arms of UMNO-PAS. Talking and applauding
differences serve to confirm the threats causing many to rally around UMNO-PAS.
We can best limit intolerance by talking and applauding not of differences but
of our common and unifying beliefs, practice, rituals, institutions and
processes. Let’s all reach out our hands to touch the hearts and souls of our
fellow Malaysians.
Vision of a Shared
Society
Each of us have a responsibility towards
building a shared society. One way is to pass on the vision of a Shared
Malaysia.
A Shared Malaysia is where all people are
equally capable of participating in and reaping the benefits of economic,
political and social opportunities on an equitable basis in accordance with
their performance and efforts. A Shared Malaysia is where citizens regardless
of race, ethnicity, religion and language have a sense of belonging. They are
empowered to participate without necessarily conforming to a dominant culture,
consequently, relations are peaceful.
Central to the vision of a Shared Malaysia is a
social equilibrium where all members while expressing their own identities and
aspirations, also accept the dignity and rights of others with different
identities.
A Shared Malaysia has a stable policy
environment and legal system where the potential earning power and innovation
of all groups are included to bolster a more equitable and sustainable economic
growth for all citizens to lead meaningful and flourishing lives.
Conclusion
The foundation for Shared Prosperity is a
Shared Malaysia. The glue that holds a society together is social cohesion. It
is the product of inclusiveness. Social fragmentation and exclusion are too
costly and never an option. Ultimately, ethnic-nationalism is about politics.
Good politics is where leaders and governments produce real solutions to real
problems. Not produce imagined problems with no solutions.
William Leong Jee Keen
Member of Parliament Selayang
16th October 2019
