Sunday, May 26, 2019

Rallying Round Divisive Politics Part 3: Resetting the Shared Society


Rallying Round Divisive Politics:
Part 3
Resetting the Shared Society
By William Leong Jee Keen MP Selayang
23 May 2019

The Three Parts of this Article 
In Part 1 of this Article, I draw attention to the convergence of five factors creating a condition primed for the “perfect storm” of ethnic conflict.

In Part 2, I caution that the PPBM-UMNO/PAS contention for Malay supremacy in the prevailing politically charged atmosphere may push ethnic-religious tensions beyond the tipping point, triggering ethnic strife, hostilities or worse conflict. 

In Part 3, I suggest that in order to pull the masses away from political entrepreneurs using the “race and religious cards” to mobilize support, the PH government must deliver tangible economic results and counter the UMNO/PAS narrative on racial politics. This is by exposing the myth of race and to rebuild Malaysia as a shared society. There is no other alternative. 

Rekindling the sense of shared identity
We must break the vicious cycle of resentment, intolerance, bigotry and hate. This only lead to our society’s disintegration. We must promote the virtuous circle of inclusive growth, build trust amongst the different races and rekindle the sense of shared identity. When Malaysia was born, she was held out before the world as an example of a multi-racial society living in peace, harmony and tolerance.

Tunku Abdul Rahman in the Proclamation of Independence of the Federation of Malaya called on all citizens: “to work to strive with hand and brain to create a new nation, inspired by the ideals of justice and liberty-a beacon of light in a disturbed and distracted world.”

Six years later in his Malaysia Day speech, Tunku said 10 million people of many races in all the States of Malaya, Singapore, Sarawak and Sabah joined hands in freedom and unity to realise the ideal of a shared society. He said: 
The Federation of Malaya now passes into history. Let us always remember that the Malayan Nation was formed after many difficulties during a long period of national Emergency, yet its multi-racial society emerged, endured and survived as a successful and progressive nation, a true democracy and an example to the world of harmony and tolerance.

As it was with Malaya, so it can be with Malaysia. With trust in Almighty God, unity of purpose and faith in ourselves, we can make Malaysia a land of prosperity and peace.

In doing so let every Malaysian in all the States of Malaya, Singapore, Sarawak and Sabah ensure that our Malaysia is truly worthy of the aims and hopes we have shared, the trials and stress, we have endured, in working together to achieve our common destiny.”

A shared society is one which is socially cohesive, stable, safe and just. A shared society is one in which all peoples of different races are equally capable for participation in and reaping the benefits of economic, political and social opportunities. One in which citizens have a sense of belonging and are empowered to participate without necessarily conforming to a dominant culture.[1] 

A shared society is one which is at ease with itself and the diversity of its members’ cultural, religious and ethnic identities. A society that recognises and values these identities and their interdependence as strengths, working creatively with each other to promote respect for human dignity and release human potential.[2]

Fifty years after Tunku’s pronouncement of Malaysia as a shared society, 75 current and former heads of states and governments of 54 countries pledged their commitment to promote the concept of a shared society as a key priority for the world today. The leaders declared that there is no other option if we are to avoid a world continually wracked by identity-based tensions, inter-community divisions, inequality and injustice. If we are not able to accept differences and to learn to understand the unfamiliar in others, and are not helped to engage with others, barriers are created between people and communities which fester and lead to disintegration with devastating consequences.[3]

While the rest of the world learned to appreciate the concept of a shared society, we in Malaysia discarded it. Somewhere along the road the ideals upon which Malaysia was established were ejected and lost. They were replaced by harsh and intolerant racists ideas. The fabric of our society is now threatened by social fractionalization and social exclusion.

New Malaysia under PH must return to its founding vision. The PH government, our leaders, civil society and the people must work to reset our nation to the ideals of the shared society upon which Malaysia was established.

The Ebbing Economic Tide
Firstly, the PH government must deliver early tangible economic results. There is a saying that “a rising tide lifts all boats.” The opposite is equally true - “an ebbing tide sinks all boats.” The ebbing economic tide has already sunk the BN boat in GE14. Unless immediate action is taken, it can also sink the PH boat.

Prime Minister Tun Mahathir has unveiled a new economic model which advocates shared prosperity. Before we can have shared prosperity, we must first have a shared society. More importantly, it is only by putting money back in people’s pockets that will reduce the tension and return the voters’ confidence back in PH.

Despite the cash-strap legacy left by the previous regime, the PH government must resist implementing austerity measures. When the market is lacklustre, the government needs to introduce stimulus and incentives to make it vibrant again. Economists, Paul Krugman said, what fiscal policy should do: it should support demand when the economy is weak, and it should pull that support when the economy is strong. As John Maynard Keynes said: “the boom, not the slump, is the right time for austerity.”

A stimulus package is required to act as a catalyst for economic activities. Higher public investments-in infrastructure projects, technology and education-will both revive demand and alleviate inequality. This will boost growth in the long-run and in the short-run.[4] With the ECRL back on track, the HSR should also be reviewed together with other infrastructure projects that were suspended or pending re-negotiations. This will act as a catalyst for the construction sector.

Bank Negara Malaysia should review the responsible lending guidelines. Since its introduction the property market has been affected by banks rejecting purchasers’ loan applications. This review is necessary to revive the property, building and construction industry which is an important sector of the economy.

Capturing the Narrative
Secondly, the PH government must counter the UMNO/PAS rhetoric. A proactive communication is required to build public understanding and support. The PH government must capture the narrative – by articulating a compelling vision of hope, develop a sense of shared identity, generate broad popular buy-in and mobilize citizens.

The PH government needs to redefine citizens’ expectation, to move them beyond negative frames of reference and to transform public policies and institutions to address immediate and long-term sources of discord.

Citizens who lack credible information about progress made and challenges ahead will likely attribute the lack of visible improvements to a lack of political will and they will lose confidence in those they believed and elected. They may even turn against PH which may have probably happened in the three recent by-elections.     
  
There is no race only racism
Thirdly, the narrative must deal with hard truths. PH must stop living a BN lie by playing up racial politics. The government must debunk the myth that intelligence, indolence, racial superiority or inferiority are inherited traits due to genetic or biological causes. There is no scientific basis for race. There is only racism which is a social-construct. “Social construct” means an idea that has been created and accepted by the people in a society. Since racism is learned it can also be unlearned.

The American Association of Physical Anthropologists (AAPA) on 25 March 2019 released an update of their 1996 statement on race and racism. The AAPA Updated Statement confirms that humans are not divided biologically into distinct continental types or racial genetic clusters. Instead the Western concept of race must be understood as a classification system that emerged from and in support of European colonialism, empire and slavery. It does not have its roots in biological reality. Racial classification has long served Europeans to justify economic exploitation, oppression, discrimination, institutional racism, dispossession, displacement and genocide. The AAPA updated statement says that:
The concept of race has developed hand-in-hand with racist ideologies over the last five centuries, and biological and anthropology has played an important role in the creation and perpetuation of both race concept and racist ideologies. Racist political doctrines should not receive support from scientific endeavours, but in practice racism has been co-constructed with inaccurate depictions of human variation provided by scientists. Over our history, the AAPA, and many of its members, have been complicit in producing and reifying racist ideologies via misuse, falsification, or biased production of scientific information. We acknowledge this history and stress that we should not paper over it even as we seek to end these practices and prevent re-emergence of misconception about race in the future.”[5]

The AAPA updated statement referred to the results of DNA and human genome research. Humans share the vast majority (99.9%) of our DNA. Individuals nevertheless exhibit substantial genetic and phenotypic variability, including individuals in the same community. No group of people is, or ever has been, biologically homogeneous or “pure.” Both the genomic and phenotypic variation that exists reflects the fact that all humans living today belong to a single species, Homo sapiens and share common descent.

The PH Government ought like AAPA, acknowledge that race is a myth and that race and racism are social-constructs that must be addressed.

Expelling Internalized Colonial Stereotypes
Fourthly, the PH government must expel from the psyche of Malaysians the internalized colonial stereotypes. In many former colonies, the anti-colonial nationalists were engaged not only in a struggle for political and economic freedom but also a cultural resistance movement of colonised people against white racism and European imperialism. The anti-colonials were well aware the colonial powers had violently transgressed the colonizeds’ own cultures and identities.[6] The colonizers imposed through the force of arms and military might, “ethnocentrism”, the belief in the superiority of their own people and culture[7]. The colonizers sought to justify their imperialism by the use of pseudo-scientific arguments such as Social Darwinism, racists ideologies of “White Supremacy” and the “White Man’s Burden” of divine manifestation to rule the lesser mortals who are too stupid and lazy to govern themselves. Over time the colonizers’ stereotypes were accepted and internalized by the colonized.

Thus, the anti-colonial nationalists’ fight for independence was also a struggle of the peoples to reclaim their authentic self and their own individual dignity and self-worth. These independent movements were more or less successful in overcoming colonial construction of ethnic identity and religious differences among the colonised peoples. This was not done by the Alliance and BN.  

UMNO and its component parties due partly to historical causes and more particularly for political expediency chose to construct “nationalism” based on racial differences. The Alliance and its successor BN, perpetuated the colonial stereotypes of “the lazy Malay,”the venal Chinese” and the “the cringing and cheating Indian.”

Following independence, although the country was freed from external colonisers, the people were still shackled by the internal colonisers’ perception of their own people. UMNO and its Alliance partners, saw their own people in the same way their colonial masters did. They assumed as natural the colonial constructed ethnic differences and negative stereotypes. They propagated an ethno-nationalist political strategy designed to secure ethnic privilege based on the colonial stereotypes of themselves and of the other ethnic groups. This has continued to this day.   

Syed Hussein Alatas have called on these colonial stereotypes to be corrected in his book, “The Myth of the Lazy Native.” He said from the point of view of modern scientific standards the negative portrayals of the Malay character in the 1971 UMNO book entitled “Revolusi Mental” are unsound and naïve. These stereotypes are dangerous since they influenced practical politics in Malaysia.

Alatas described “Revolusi Mental” as a distorted ideology of a Malay ruling party sharing the false consciousness of colonial capitalism. The false consciousness distorts reality. The Malay ruling party inherited the rule from the British without a struggle for independence such as that which took place in Indonesia, India and the Philippines. As such there was no ideological struggle. There was no intellectual break with British ideological thinking at the deeper layer of thought. The type of distortion in the “Revolusi Mental” on the Malay character is the result of fallacious reasoning. The thirty or more negative traits of the Malay character are conclusions derived from false premises.

Syed Hussein Alatas also took issue with Tun Mahathir’s “The Malay Dilemma.” Alatas was of the opinion that although “The Malay Dilemma” is critical of the colonial rule’s fostering divisions among groups, Mahathir did not deal with the socially constructed nature of the racial or ethnic identities, attributing it instead to a biological given. Mahathir’s main argument rests on the assumption of fact or self-evident truth regarding the “natural” ethnic difference and conflict between Malay and non-Malay (Chinese). These understandings were not only Tun Mahathir’s but were also subscribed to by many of the nationalists of his generation.[8] 

It appears from Tun Mahathir’s speeches in the Future of the Bumiputera and Nation Congress 2018 and PPBM 2nd Annual General Meeting that he still holds the same views as he did when he wrote “The Malay Dilemma.” In his PPBM 2nd AGM speech, he said Malays cannot continue depending on the government for economic and financial aid in perpetuity:
For the weak, a crutch might help, but this sort of help should not be sustained. When our strength returns, the crutch must be let go”

He said that although the NEP had some success, it had yet to fulfil its aim to close the income disparity between the Bumiputera and the other races.

Tun Mahatir still sees the income and wealth inequality gap between the Malays and non-Malays as due to inherent weaknesses of the Malay character and not due to crony capitalism, state capture and corruption by the political elite.

Unfortunately, it appears ministers such as Dr Mazlee are also labouring under the same colonial stereotypes. This is revealed by his recent comment that the matriculation quota must be maintained because the non-Bumiputeras are rich and are able to send their children to private universities. The remark was most insensitive to the plight and sacrifices of the non-Bumiputera middle and lower classes. They are already stretched and stressed by the rising costs of living and reducing purchasing power of their income. They have to save, scrimp and borrow to send their children to the local private institutions because of the quota system for public university admissions. The remark also revealed Ministers like Dr Mazlee may in continuing BN policies and programmes have not fully considered the actual facts and figures to separate fact from fiction.    

A 2015 parliament reply from the EPU disclosed that:
·                 Bumiputeras is the largest group of the country’s top 20 percent income earners (T20) at 53.81%, Chinese 37.05%, Indians 8.80% and others 0.34%.
·                 The Bumiputeras also form the largest group in the middle 40% income earners (M40) at 64.17%, Chinese 26.43%, Indians 9.10% and others 0.30%.
·                 The Bumiputeras also form the largest group in the bottom 40% income earners (B40) at 73.61%, Chinese 17.50%, Indians 8.52% and others 0.36%.  

The British has left Malaya 62 years ago but the colonial stereotypes of different racial identities have persisted. In the era of new Malaysia, it is time to exorcise the ghosts of our colonial past and build a future based on a truly inclusive Malaysian identity.

Political Patronage and Elite Capture
Fifthly, the narrative must provide clear evidence-based reasoning with complete data that a change in the affirmative action policies are required to correct flaws and deficiencies. The NEP and Bumiputera Agenda have been abused by the political elites. They have in the course of securing personal gains through political patronage, rent-seeking activities, corruption and state capture deprived the intended deserving Malays of the benefits of the affirmative action policies. They caused policies of social fragmentation and social exclusion to be implemented to maintain their hold on power.

The PH government should let the truth be known by providing the evidence of these abuses. For example, the number of graduates who defaulted in repayment of his PTPTN loan, blacklisted and banned from travelling out of the country. This should be compared with the evidence of the political-economic elite who defaulted in the billions they borrowed and were bailed out.

The PH government should also reveal the data of the Bumiputera Implementing Agencies (BIAs) such as Majlis Amanah Rakyat (MARA), Tekun National Foundation (TEKUN), Amanah Ikhtiar Malaysia (AIM), the SME Bank and others of the Bumiputera “entrepreneurs” with ties to the political elite who have received both financing and rents. They have acted as a restraint on genuine Bumiputera entrepreneurs’ development.[9]

The BIAs have been propping up weak Bumiputera entrepreneurs or business cronies who were the beneficiaries of contracts and rents provided by political leaders. “[Such crony Bumiputera entrepreneurs] believed that once given, the assistance need not be repaid, and they were not required to abide by the terms and conditions of the loan agreements.”[10]

The truth has to be told so that the masses are informed they are being used for the political entrepreneurs’ personal interests.

Social Cohesion: Within the four seas all men are brothers
Sixthly, the PH government must take concrete steps to build an inclusive society and should not follow BN in only giving lip service to slogans such as “unity in diversity” but on the ground used Biro Tata Negara to conduct courses to promote racism and encourage hate towards the opposition. The PH government should begin with the concept that “all human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood.”[11]

There must be equity in the distribution of wealth and resources. How resources are allocated will affect the orientation of the society, either towards a more integrated, inclusive society or an exclusive, polarized and disintegrated one. Socio-economic policies should be geared towards managing equitable distribution and equal opportunities. Inclusive policies, instructions and programs that are sensitive to and cater to the less advantaged and vulnerable need to be put in place.

Effective Leadership
Seventhly, the PH government must show effective leadership to drive social inclusion and building a shared society. The Prime Minister and cabinet must take ownership and be committed to reset Malaysia as a shared society. In the past one year, only a few leaders have spoken out against the misconceptions of race and racial differences. Tun Daim in his speech said that Malays should not labour under a siege mentality. Anwar Ibrahim has repeatedly assured the Malays that they have nothing to fear while maintaining that social justice demands the poor and needy of the other races to also be provided for.

The NEP and Bumiputera Agenda is based on social justice and equity. Effective leaders know it is better to appeal to the peoples’ better angels than to secure compliance by the use of the state’s coercive powers. As human beings, we are endowed with a moral sense, an intuitive feeling for what is right and wrong. Morality has, in a sense, a voice within.

We know it is injustice when an Indian or Chinese student with 9 As from a B40 family is not given a matriculation seat. It is injustice when those in need are denied while the government’s resources are poured to make a billionaire richer by several billion Ringgit more.

Just as equity demands Bumiputera economic deprivation ought to be relieved so does equity demands the Malaysian Indians’ plight be resolved. The conversion of plantations into industrial estates and new townships have led to the displacement of hundreds of thousands of Malaysian Indian estate workers- “they not only lost their jobs but also housing, basic amenities, socio-cultural facilities and community support structures.” These have led to a host of social problems such as broken families, poor housing, unemployment, violence, gangsterism, destitution, vagrancy and drug abuse.[12]

 Just as equity demands assistance and aid ought to be given to the Bumiputera rural and urban poor so does equity demands the plight of the Orang Asli and Bumiputera Minorities in Sabah and Sarawak be addressed. While the national poverty rate in 2012 is 1.7% it is 76.9% for the Orang Asli, Muruts at 56.1% in Sabah and Penans at 65% in Sarawak.[13]      

Conclusion
Urgent action is required to address the five factors creating the conditions for ethnic conflict and to pre-empt the political entrepreneurs’ design in order to avert racial-religious strife and conflict. We must all pull back and move away from the brink of disaster.    

To maintain peace and prosperity our leaders from both the PH government and the opposition, civil society and our citizens must recognise the value of diversity. Malaysians need to find a way to build a society based on shared goals and common values. The only effective, sustainable and morally acceptable way to manage the social tensions is to create a shared society in which all members of our society feel at home and are valued for who they are.

Economic growth and the well-being of every one and our nation can only flourish when we learn to manage our diversity for the betterment of all Malaysians, not just a selected few. The wisdom of Mahatma Gandhi would be an appropriate reminder to all of us: 

“The world has enough for everyone’s need,
But not enough for everyone’s greed.”
-        Mahatma Gandhi



[1] Michael A. Valenti and Olivier G. Giovannoni, “The Economics of Inclusion: Building an Argument for a Shared Society”
[2] Club De Madrid, “A Call to Action for Leadership to Build Shared Societies”
[3] Club De Madrid, The Shared Societies Project
[4] Joseph Stiglitz, “Inequality and Economic Growth”
[5] American Association of Physical Anthropologists Statement on Race and Racism 27 March 2019
[6] Sheila Nair, “Colonialism, Nationalism, Ethnicity: Constructing Identity and Difference”
[7] Charles Hirschman, “The Making of Race in Colonial Malaya: Political Economy and Racial Ideology”
[8] Sheila Nair, “Colonial ‘Others’ and National Politics in Malaysia”
[9] Azeem Fazwan Ahmad Farouk, “State and Entrepreneurship: The Failure to Create a Bumiputera Commercial and Industrial Community (BCIC) in Penang Malaysia
[10] J. Saravanamuttu, 2008 “Party capitalism in Southeast Asia: Democracy’s bane” Ishak Shari Memorial  Lecture Series, Bangi IKMAS Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia
[11] Fact Sheet No. 2(Rev 1) The International Bill of Human Rights
[12] The Malaysian Indian Blueprint.
[13] The 2013 Malaysian Human Development Report


Rallying Round Divisive Politics:
Part 2
Strategic Action by Elites
By William Leong Jee Keen MP Selayang
23 May 2019

The Three Parts of this Article 
In Part 1 of this Article, I draw attention to the convergence of five factors creating a condition primed for the “perfect storm” of ethnic conflict.

In Part 2, I caution that the PPBM-UMNO/PAS contention for Malay supremacy in the prevailing politically charged atmosphere may push ethnic-religious tensions beyond the tipping point, triggering ethnic strife, hostilities or worse conflict. 

In Part 3, I suggest that in order to pull the masses away from political entrepreneurs using the “race and religious cards” to mobilize support, the PH government must deliver tangible economic results and counter the UMNO/PAS narrative on racial politics. This is by exposing the myth of race and to rebuild Malaysia as a shared society. There is no other alternative.

UMNO/PAS’ message has found Resonance
In contending for Malay support, Tun Mahathir accepted UMNO defectors into PPBM. He called on the Malays to trust PPBM to save and bring them success. He said he remains unapologetic for his defence of Malay rights even if this means being called a racist. These efforts did not yield the desired results. 

On the other hand, the UMNO/PAS’s message found resonance amongst the Malays. They have embarked upon a strategy of whipping-up of racial hatred, widening social fragmentation, ratcheting-up ethnic and religious intolerance and legitimizing racial discrimination: 

·                 The UMNO/PAS’ message to the Malays has hit home. A survey by Ilham Centre and think tank Penang Institute found that 54.4% of the Malay respondents did not believe the PH government is serious about the Bumiputera Agenda including upholding Malay rights and Islam as the official religion. The same survey found that more than 60% believed that non-Muslims now control the government and DAP is calling the shots in Putrajaya. This survey shows the deepening of ethnic cleavages. The Malay respondents have accepted the classification and symbolization of distinguishing Malays and non-Malays into “Us versus Them.” 

·                 In demanding the withdrawal of ICERD, UMNO/PAS led thousands to drop all pretensions that the NEP and Bumiputera agenda are affirmative action policies. (Affirmative action policies are allowed under ICERD.) By protesting against ICERD, they thus acknowledge that the version of the NEP and Bumiputera agenda they want are racial discriminatory policies. While the whole world condemns racial prejudice and discrimination, support the universal rights of men and women to a life of dignity and freedom, UMNO/PAS brazenly advocate and legitimize racial discrimination. We are facing the rise of naked racism;

·                 UMNO/PAS leaders have given a muted response to Suhakam’s findings that Pastor Koh and Amri Che Mat are victims of forced disappearance and the Special Branch may be involved. Their silence and lack of outrage indicate that they see demonizing and dehumanizing of the Other have become an acceptable part of their supporters’ psyche. Non-Malays/Non-Muslims is not part of their moral universe.

·                 Thousands who attended the UMNO/PAS-backed Ummah rally on 4th May 2019 carried placards and were shouting slogans supporting the withdrawal of the Rome Statute. The grounds for objection to the ratification of the Rome Statute are chilling. The Rome Statute allows the International Court of Justice to prosecute genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes and crimes of aggression. Genocide is the extermination of a race or religious group. Crimes against humanity includes massacres, ethnic cleansing, death squads, forced disappearances, deportations, political repression and religious persecution. The argument for withdrawing from the Rome Statute to preserve immunities for such crimes taken to their logical conclusion is that such crimes are acceptable. Those who find this conclusion acceptable have lost their moral compass and sense of humanity. Such rallies are therefore a form of radicalization of the followers.

·                 The tragic histories of ethnic conflict have recorded incidences such as UMNO/PAS rallies. In the safety of numbers, followers lose their moral inhibitions. A moral disengagement for collective violence takes over. Dehumanization sets in as a way of expelling “the enemies of race and religion” from one’s moral universe as humans- reducing their status to sub-humans. They become objects worthy of moral condemnation. A duty and responsibility for “purification” demands and justifies acts of aggression and violence against them. This is the danger of labelling non-Muslims as “kafir harbi.” It leads to the encouragement for the rise of a culture of impunity.

·                 The riots at Seafield Hindu temple and the unfortunate and tragic death of fireman Muhammad Adib Mohd Kassim is a reminder of the prevailing tense and sensitive climate. There are people who will use this tragic event for their own agenda. The police have arrested four men whom they said were planning to attack temples and churches and kill high-profile individuals to avenge the death of the fireman.

·                 Acts of provocation have been committed such as placing a “Datuk Gong” and a Hindu deity in a Klang surau. There are also non-Muslims who have insulted the Prophet, religion and race in their social media posts. There are people who want to incite disharmony and conflict. These acts must be condemned in the strongest terms.

·                 We should also be reminded that ISIS recruited more Malaysians than Indonesians on a percentage of the total number of Muslims in the respective countries. Malaysians have been involved in terrorist attacks such as those in the Philippines recently. There are also the terrorist wannabes. They are those who have become radicalised from watching videos of executions and violence. They represent a clear and present danger.     

·                 UMNO/PAS is turning the knob another notch higher with the planned nation-wide tour. The stakes have become higher.

Polarization is One Stage from Persecution and Genocide:
There were no outward celebrations on the night of May 9 2018 for fear they may give an excuse for acts of violence to disrupt the change of government. A year on, we have become blasé from hearing the often repeated inflammatory ethno-religious language used by our politicians. We may not be as alert or cautious of the simmering tensions stirred by the incendiary rhetoric and the impact of the recent politically charged events as we should be. Many may dismiss the idea of genocide in Malaysia as too remote. It must be reminded that genocide does not happen overnight or in a vacuum. Gregory H. Stanton, Research Professor in Genocide Studies and Prevention, School of Conflict Analysis and Resolution, George Mason University has listed 10 stages of genocide in Genocide Watch[1]:
1. Classification;
2. Symbolization;
3. Discrimination;
4. Dehumanization;
5. Organization;
6. Polarization;
7. Preparation
8. Persecution;
9. Extermination;
10. Denial.

From the recent events listed above, we are more than halfway down the stages towards genocide: racial classification and symbolization; open and systemic discrimination; polarization and dehumanization. We are at polarization, only one stage away from persecution and extermination. The odds of moving further down the spiral is too close for comfort. This is because the political entrepreneurs in their strife to outbid their competitors to win Malay support may not be able to resist the temptation to take further strategic action that will exacerbate matters. 
 
The Political Entrepreneur-Elites’ Dilemma
After nearly half-a-century of NEP’s implementation, ordinary Malays remain the largest group at the bottom of the economic pile.  Despite the billions of ringgit spent and the wide-ranging extent of the NEP and Bumiputera Agenda programmes, the BN government has been unable to create a meaningful and dynamic class of Bumiputera entrepreneurs. This is because of the wide unrestrained discretionary powers, the opaque system of awarding contracts through direct negotiations and lack of accountability. They have spawned the scourge of political patronage and rent-seeking. This has led to state capture of the government by the BN elites. As a consequence, the objectives of the NEP and the Bumiputera Agenda remains a never-ending story. To retain the benefits exclusively for themselves, the BN elites have continued policies of social fragmentation and social exclusion. They resisted and thwarted all efforts to rectify the flaws and weaknesses of the NEP and the Bumiputera Agenda.

The GE14 results caught the political entrepreneurs/elites by surprise. During this transition period the elites are mobilizing Malay support for UMNO/PAS to regain political power. There are also attempts by some of these elites to change labels to come under the new umbrella of PH. In essence, they are jockeying to maintain their influence and control either as BN elites or PH elites.

Other than the erstwhile BN political elites (who are now mobilizing support to regain power), the economic elites and bureaucratic elites are not subject to elections. They retain their influence after GE14. The ability to overcome elite resistance is an important process for successful regime transformation.  These elites will at all costs prevent PH implementing the reform agenda. If they cannot derail the changes, then they will wage a war of attrition to delay implementation until the next elections. This is because such reforms will put an end to their nefarious activities and to their very existence. This is the elites’ dilemma. Therefore, they have put out the clarion call to rally round the flags of divisive politics.

In many of the countries where ethnic conflict erupted, extremist factions chose to take certain strategic actions the impact of which led to inciting violence. The chances of the elites taking this strategic decision is the cause for our concern.  

The Final Solution
James D. Fearon and David D. Laitin, both Professors of Political Science at Stanford University in their publication, “Violence and Social Construction of Ethnic Identity”[2] pointed out that large-scale ethnic violence is provoked by elites seeking to gain, maintain or increase their hold on political power. One of the features that the two political scientists have noted is that internal conflicts between extremists and moderates belonging to the same ethnic group spur leaders or dissidents to provoke violence with members of the out-group. This is done to increase support for the elites and shut out support for the moderates.

The two political scientists have given examples of the rhetoric and action taken by the extremists that eventually led to ethnic conflict. Malaysians will find they have an eerily familiar ring to what our local politicians have been saying:
·             The Hutus rationalized that the Hutus were “the only legitimate inhabitants of the country” in Hutu demographic majority Rwanda, democracy equals rule by Hutus which equals exclusion of Tutsis from political power;

·             Hutu extremists tried to cast the Tutsis as purely evil and Hutu moderates as Tutsi stooges;

·             In 1992, two years before the genocide, Hutu moderates negotiated a formal power-sharing deal with the multi-ethnic constituencies representing Tutsi interests but Hutu extremists led by the president’s wife sent death squads to the northwest regions where they were strong, killing three hundred Tutsis in six days of violence to forestall the implementation of the accords;

·             Despite Hutu extremists warning the Rwandan president not to implement the power-sharing deal, the president gave in to international pressure to implement the accords at a meeting in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania. As he returned, his plane was shot down. The extremist staged a power grab and implemented the final solution. During the genocide in addition to Tutsi deaths some 10,000-30,000 Hutu intellectuals with moderate leanings were killed by the Hutus;

·             In Sri Lanka, when President Jayawardene began negotiating with the Tamils, the streets in Colombo were rife with rumours that he was really a Muslim or even a Tamil. In the eyes of extremists his regime was not killing enough Tamils. Fear of Sinhalese extremists rather than Tamils motivated Jayawardene.

·             In 1992 the leader of the Croatian Democratic Union in Bosnia was dismissed on the grounds that he was “too much Bosnian, too little Croat.”[3]

·             In Yugoslavia, following disagreement between Serbian moderates and extremists, the voices for conciliation were silenced “through selected assassinations of moderate leaders.” Much of the Balkan violence was induced by extremists trying to justify their extremism both at home and abroad. For example, the Croatian government provoked the “siege” of Dubrovnik and the Croatian and Bosnian government set up their mortar batteries in hospitals, inducing fire from the Yugoslav People’s Army. Both are examples to illustrate that in order to gain co-ethnics’ sympathy as well as foment outrage among their own co-ethnics and shut out moderates, ethnic leaders will provoke interethnic violence.[4]
Studies by political scientists indicate that ethnic violence follow from political strategies of political entrepreneurs seeking to gain power by provoking violence against the Other. We must be alive to this danger in the prevailing political climate in Malaysia. It is hoped UMNO/PAS will lower their rhetoric, exercise restrain or reduce their efforts to mobilize support using ethnic/religious issues. PH must in the meanwhile take appropriate steps to counter these issues. I share some of my ideas in Part 3.

End of Part 2
Next: Rallying Round Divisive Politics: Part 3 – Resetting the Shared Society





[1] Gregory H. Stanton, Research Professor in Genocide Studies and Prevention, School of Conflict Analysis and Resolution, George Mason University. Genocide Watch
[2] James D. Fearon and David D. Laitin, “Violence and Social Construction of Ethnic Identity”
[3] Chaim Kaufman, “Possible and Impossible Solutions to Ethnic Wars”
Bojana Blagojevic, “Causes of Ethnic Conflict: A Conceptual Framework”
[4] Susan L. Woodward 1995 “Balkan Tragedy: Chaos and Dissolution After the Cold War”