Monday, March 25, 2013

3年前已着手备战 梁自坚有信心保住士拉央


(士拉央23日讯)来届大选,公正党士拉央区国会议员梁自坚将在原区守土,期望当地选民再给他5年时间,推动更多有利士拉央区的发展。
随着公正党实权领袖拿督斯里安华早前宣布敦拉萨区国会议员丹斯里卡立会在原区求蝉联之后,他昨晚出席万挠公主湖畔镇举行政治演讲上,再宣布梁自坚会在来届大选再战士拉央国会选区。
梁自坚对本身能在原区守土表示信心满满,并指该党有绝对的实力捍卫有关国席。
他在第12届全国大选对垒马华候选人李丽友,最后以3567张多数票中选。
梁自坚也是公正党总财政。他接受《南洋商报》记者电访时,否定马华或是国阵指士拉央国席是雪州最容易夺下的选区,因为该党不但已经对来届大选做足准备,而且对各族选民的支持都非常有信心。
他说,该党自3年前已着手为大选备战,准备功夫可说前所未有的足够,再者配合雪州政府5年来的政绩,已足以让选民把手中一票投给民联。
印裔选票回流
梁自坚坦言,3‧08大选之前,他与团队欲下乡至马来甘榜,往往不受到欢迎,然而经过5年时间,马来选民们态度改变了,甚至主动邀请他进行拜访。
“目前我们能掌握华裔选民的选票,印裔选票也有回流的现象,至于巫裔选民,相信雪州的政绩已经将他们‘融化’。”
他指出,过去不管是马华或是国阵都说,最容易重夺的选区是士拉央,但是若他们真的这么想,问题可大了。
自称表现不逊林祥才
询及盛传代表马华上阵该国席的是财政部副部长拿督林祥才,梁自坚说,不管对手是谁他都会尊敬,惟他自问若以候选人表现来作比较,前者虽然是副部长,但他本身并不逊色。
马华没实际帮到选民
他也说,若选民是看党作为考量,相信选民都知道这些年来,马华都没有实际地帮助到选民。
针对士拉央的建设,他指出,该区在雪州政府的良好施政下,成功交出骄人的成绩,其中州政府在过去5年成功批出10万张地契,而大部分在士拉央区。
“另外,扰人已久的武吉柏达非法木屋区也获得重组,而地区上的民生问题,包括基建及垃圾问题等都解决得七七八八。”
有鉴于此,他希望能在来届大选继续得到选民的支持,以期有更充裕时间发展士拉央。
http://www.nanyang.com/node/519805?tid=510

Wednesday, March 20, 2013

士拉央公正党成功举办500席晚宴,5000人举手支持梁自坚上阵士拉央





士拉央20日讯)日前士拉央人民公正党在根登新村举办了“根登启航,迈向布城,拯救大马”成功的在当晚宴开500席,此晚宴以售票方式进行,在短短的两个星期内便成功的将500席晚宴座席售出,以便为来届的大选筹款和造势。

当天晚上除了吸引了买票的观众出席以外,也吸引了许多士拉央国会的居民在外观看领袖们的演讲。出席的领袖有士拉央区国会议员兼公正党总财政梁自坚,万挠区州议员颜贝倪,公正党副主席蔡锐明,公正党署理主席阿芝敏,行动党适根庄州议员黄瑞林。

进入晚宴的高潮,司仪询问现场是否支持梁自坚再次上阵士拉央时,全场5000人举手要求梁自坚继续带领士拉央站在改朝换代的最前线。

公正党副主席蔡锐明在演讲时表示,今日士拉央能够在那么短时间内举办士拉央国会最大型的晚宴证明了人民已经准备好面对改革,如今的改革风潮已经吹到了柔佛、沙巴和砂捞越,相信这三州将为民联贡献30个国会议席,以便能够成功的迈向布城。

他在演讲中强调,贪污腐败已经不是此时此刻的问题,手段是更加的明目张胆,国债已经达到了5千亿的数字,所以人民必须珍惜来届大选投票为国家做出改变。

万挠区州议员颜贝倪表示,转眼间我们已经执政了5年的时间,这必须感谢人民在308时勇于做出改变,这个改变也推翻了国阵不断指责民联无能力执政的说法,让全马人民知道民联的确有执政的能力。

士拉央区国会议员梁自坚演讲时指出,我国是一个多元性的国家,各不同的族群和宗教都在这土地上,所以55年的种族政策统治此国家必须有一个了断,以便国家能够继续的前进。

也是人民公正党总财政的梁自坚说,他感谢人民在2008年大选时给予他这次的机会服务人民,而这几年我们可以看见人民的基本问题都一一的被解决,尤其是在地契问题上,而这些问题都是人民在前朝政府执政时无法解决的,所以他希望雪州人民能够延续2008年的精神,以便让全国各地在两线制下受惠。




Tuesday, March 19, 2013

LIBERALIZING THE MALAYSIAN ELECTORAL AUTHORITARIAN REGIME



As political parties gear for the final stretch to the 13th General Elections, Malaysians must not forget, our country is not a democracy. It is an electoral authoritarian regime.

An Electoral Authoritarian Regime

An electoral authoritarian regime is one that uses “a democratic façade” to cover authoritarian rule. The pretense of holding elections is “the lipstick on the crocodile”.  The most common form of autocracy today is hidden behind elections. “The dream (of these regimes) is to reap the fruits of electoral legitimacy without running the risk of democratic uncertainty”[1]

A democracy is defined to include at least the following 5 attributes: (1) regular elections that are competitive, free and fair; (2) full adult suffrage; (3) broad protection of civil liberties including freedom of speech, press and association; (4) absence of non-elected “tutelary” authorities such as military or religious bodies that limit elected officials from having effective power to govern; and (5) the existence of a reasonably level playing field. 

An electoral authoritarian regime does not have such attributes. Elections in an electoral authoritarian regime are competitive and real but they are not free and fair.  The incumbent uses government resources and power to undermine legitimate procedures by illegitimate practices such as electoral fraud, vote rigging, disenfranchisement, media bias, repression or legal controls to make it difficult if not impossible for opposition parties to sustain public campaigns and to exclude opposition leaders from contesting through technical and legal disqualifications, bans, imprisonment or exile.

Malaysia is an electoral authoritarian regime in the same class of Kenya during the rule of Daniel Arap Moi and his Kenyan African National Union (“KANU”) who perfected the use of patronage, large scale ethnic violence to divide opposition parties, disenfranchise voters and ultimately tilted the playing field in his favour. Others in the class include Mexico under President Miguel de la Madrid of the Institutional Revolutionary Party (“PRI”), Zimbabwe under President Robert Mugabe and his Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (“ZANU-PF”).

We need only look at the past 2 weeks to confirm the authoritarian nature of the Malaysian regime.

Malaysia will be heading for the polls without a clean electoral roll.

On 4 March 2013, Dato’ Seri Anwar Ibrahim in his closing speech at the International Conference On Malaysia 13th General Elections reminded Malaysians that fundamental reforms for a free and fair elections have not been implemented. 

Anwar Ibrahim said:

“The paramount importance of Bersih is undisputed. Bersih, as we all know, has made tremendous contributions to the cause of electoral reform…The protests and demonstrations to demand for free and fair elections clearly signify the dissatisfaction with the state of things…

 Our election commission is supposed to be the electoral watchdog but among other things, its epic failure is that both the commission’s chair and deputy chair were card carrying members of the ruling UMNO party prior to their appointment.  So merely calling it an electoral commission does not guarantee its independence and impartiality…

The existence of hundreds and thousands of fictitious names as well as names of dead people plus widespread duplication of names in the electoral rolls point to blatant fraud in voter registration…  The problem is becoming rampant as evidenced by the daily exposes on this.  The RCI in Sabah on the notorious Project IC underscores the reality of the fear”

On 8th March 2013, the Deputy Chairman of the Election Commission confirmed Anwar’s fears. He said “this is normal” for 28% of new voters to be untraceable!  Tan Sri Khalid Ibrahim, Selangor Menteri Besar, on 3 March 2013 voiced his concerns that 134,675 out of 500,000 new voters in Selangor cannot be identified or traced.

All hopes for a free and fair election were dashed on 14th March 2013, when the High Court dismissed Klang MP, Charles Santiago’s application for judicial review. Charles produced sufficient evidence to show the existence of phantom voters in his constituency’s electoral rolls. However, the judge declined to strike down section 9A of the Elections Act 1948 as being unconstitutional. The Judge instead held he was bound by the provision that the Court cannot review, set aside or quash the electoral rolls after they are published in the gazette. Section 9A was enacted after the Sabah High Court declared the Likas by-elections null and void due to the existence of phantom voters. The government instead of cleaning the electoral rolls, introduced section 9A to prevent the Court from reviewing the electoral rolls.

The Court’s lack of robustness in dealing with section 9A has in the words of Charles Santiago “legalized phantom voters”.

Opposition Lack of Media Access

The lack of media access is a hallmark of an electoral authoritarian regime.  There is no possibility of fair elections when opposition parties lack access to media to reach out to the electorate. Scholars noted in electoral authoritarian regimes, media are owned or are under the control of the incumbent.  They are not only biased in favour of the incumbent, but also form part of the incumbent’s propaganda machine. The scholars cite the media in Malaysia as examples of this.

The media has gone into overdrive since the Lahad Datu incursion. The focus is not on the security situation but in spinning that Anwar Ibrahim is the mastermind behind the incursion. Anwar had in October 2012 long before the incursion sang a song. One line of the song is:

“Tanya sama Najib, mengapa kau goyang.  Nanti jawab Najib, Sabah dah hilang”.

A complete viewing of the video shows Anwar was referring to the swing in Sabahans’ support from BN to Pakatan Rakyat and that Najib is worried BN will lose Sabah in the coming polls. TV3 featured this one line together with news of the incursion thereby falsely accusing Anwar to be behind the Lahad Datu incursion. This is propaganda in its worst form. The 13th GE campaign will see the media engaged in the worse gutter politics ever.

Repression

In many electoral authoritarian regimes, the courts, electoral authorities and other nominally independent arbiters of the rules of the game are not only controlled by the incumbents but are also employed as partisan tools against the opposition. An example is the Fujimori government’s control of the Peruvian judicial and electoral authorities to carry out bribery, illegal surveillance, stripping of media owner Baruch Ivcher’s citizenship, massive forgery of signatures and passage of constitutionally dubious legislation permitting Fujimori to win a third term in 2000.

Another example of “legal repression” is Vladimir Putin’s use of the courts to destroy Mikhail Khodovsky, the owner of the enormously powerful Yukos oil company by jailing him for tax charges and seizing his company, property and stock after Khodovsky began financing opposition parties.

In charging Tian Chua on 14 March 2013 under the Sedition Act 1948 for his alleged comments on Lahad Datu, the selective and partisan use of the prosecutor’s powers is clear for all to see. Those on the other side of the political divide, who incited racial and religious strife, promoted feelings of ill-will and hostility between the different races and religions have been left untouched. They remain scot free to spew hatred and contempt with impunity.   

Anwar Ibrahim remains the most wanted and persecuted opposition leader in the history of Malaysia. He has been detained without trial and imprisoned, castigated as an outcast and labeled a traitor to his race and religion. All these are because of his conviction to reform Malaysia’s politics of race and fear while advocating good governance free of corruption. The international community and experts have noted the government’s use of corruption, repeated sodomy and other charges to carry out a political assassination of Anwar Ibrahim. This has been vindicated by his acquittals and recently by Saiful Bukhari’s father, Azlan Mohd Lazim on 8th March 2013 revealing the second sodomy charge was an “evil conspiracy” against Anwar. The call by the Minister of Home Affairs for investigations into the mastermind behind the Lahad Datu incursion after the media frenzy against Anwar Ibrahim will surprise no one if the Security Offences (Special Measures) Act is used to take out their biggest nemesis and threat in the coming elections.

Intimidation and Thugs   

Another hallmark of an electoral authoritarian regime is the use of violence and intimidation. Robert Mugabe’s use of bully boys to intimidate voters is well documented. So is the increasing frequency and escalating violence of thugs waving UMNO flags disrupting Anwar Ibrahim and Pakatan Rakyat’s campaign. 

On 8 March 2013, Keadilan’s campaign bus on its “Merdeka Rakyat Tour” carrying Anwar Ibrahim was attacked. They also stormed his ceramah in Kampung Bukit Katil, Melaka. They smashed the bus windows causing the glass shards to injure passengers, supporters, reporters and also Anwar. Keadilan supporters have been injured by stones thrown at Anwar’s rallies. In Lembah Pantai, flower pots were thrown injuring those at the rally. In Gombak, one supporter was slashed by a kerabit. UMNO thugs have attacked Tian Chua at two of his ceramahs. These bullying tactics will become more severe as the campaign heats up. Authoritarian regimes turn to their nastiest levels of repression, intimidation and fraud when they are most vulnerable not when their political domination is secured.[2]

Liberalizing Malaysia from the electoral Authoritarian Regime

Law-abiding and right thinking Malaysians must put an end to the authoritarian regime and restore democracy. Elections in an electoral authoritarian regime may become moments of liberalization and provide a new beginning. 

One of the reasons that electoral authoritarian regimes are able to survive is because of their ability to divide and fragmentize the opposition. The more divided the opposition parties, the more susceptible they are to governmental manipulation, cooptation and repression. In order for the opposition to gain victory over an electoral authoritarian regime, it “requires a level of opposition mobilization, unity, skill and heroism far beyond what would normally be required for victory in a democracy”[3]

Opposition Coalition

The formation of an opposition coalition is the first ingredient towards a liberalizing electoral outcome. The formation of an opposition coalition does not refer to the strength of the opposition per se and it is not based merely on the degree of hostility to a leader or party in power.  Many authoritarian incumbents are deeply unpopular.  Yet despite their lack of popular support, such incumbents often maintain their hold on power. This is due to the opposition’s inability to form effective organizational structures to challenge the government in the electoral arena. 

Political scientists have found that what is important is for the opposition to come together not by giving up their own party’s interest or submitting to a charismatic leader, but in forming a strategic coalition for the specific goal of winning the election.

An opposition coalition increases the probability of political liberalization: (1) by taking away votes from the ruling regime. When the opposition joins together, an unpopular incumbent is less able to use repression and patronage to coerce and induce people to vote for him; (2) it can prevent incumbents from playing opposition parties and leaders against each other; (3) it increases the risk and cost of repression and manipulation. The police, army, bureaucrats and judiciary are less inclined to employ illegal practices in favour of the incumbent due to fears of recrimination by the opposition if they calculate that the opposition is able to mount a credible challenge to the ruling party and wins; (4) it can mobilize people to vote against the incumbent as the electorate gets a sense that change is possible and view the opposition as an alternative governing coalition. 

Keadilan, PAS and DAP after 2008 General Elections, forged a coalition, Pakatan Rakyat. In coming together each retained their respective party’s interest and policies by agreeing to a Common Policy Platform in 2009. In 2010, the coalition announced a set of policies and programmes known as “The Buku Jingga” for the first 100 days of its administration. On 25 February 2013, the coalition unveiled its manifesto. Pakatan Rakyat has given Malaysians hope that change is not just a possibility but can be a reality.

Rise of the Moderates

The second ingredient for the liberalization of Malaysia is for moderates to act. In every authoritarian regime, notwithstanding its use of oppression and electoral fraud it retains support of a core group. There is also a core support group for the opposition parties. The election is ultimately a contest for the votes of the moderates. The incumbent relies on the media and the unlevelled playing field to entice the moderates. Moderates vote the incumbent due to their lack of information.

Unlike previous elections Malaysians today are aware that the nation is ruled by an electoral authoritarian regime. The moderates in general and Bumiputras forming 60% of the electorate in particular, must realize that electoral fraud cannot be condoned. Electoral fraud: (1) destroys the very essence of every citizen’s democratic right to vote for his or her government, irrespective of his or her race, religion or political ideology; (2) undermines the foundation of a nation, the social consensus of upholding legality; (3) cost the regime loss of legitimacy which damages both the autocrats’ and the nation’s reputation in the international community; (4) increases patronage, rent seeking corruption, abuse of power and plundering of the nation’s resources;

Moderates must therefore protest in the strongest terms by voting out the electoral authoritarian regime. Pakatan Rakyat is ready to knock on Putrajaya’s door. It remains to be seen whether the moderates will want to open the door or stand idly by watching their elections being stolen from them.

William Leong Jee Keen
Member of Parliament Selayang
19 March 2012


[1] Levitsky Steven and Lucan A. Way 2002 “The Rise of Competitive Authoritarianism” Journal of Democracy Volume 13 No. 2 (April) 61-65; Shaedler Andreas 2002 “Elections Without Democracy” Journal of Democracy Volume 13 No. 2 (April) 36-50
[2]  Beatriz Magaloni “The Game of Electoral Fraud and the ousting of Authoritarian Rule” American Journal of Political Sciences Vol 54 No. 3 July 2010 pp 751-765
[3] Diamond Larry 2002 “Thinking About Hybrid Regimes” Journal of Democracy 13(2): 21-35; Marc Morje Howard and Philip G Roessler “Liberalizing Electoral Outcomes in Competitive Authoritarian Regimes” American Journal of Political Science Volume 50 No. 2 April 2006 365-381

Monday, March 4, 2013

DATO’ SERI NAJIB RAZAK SEWAJARNYA MENUMPUKAN USAHA MEMASTIKAN KEDAULATAN WILAYAH NEGARA, KESELAMATAN RAKYAT SABAH DAN ANGGOTA PASUKAN KESELAMATAN

KENYATAAN MEDIA
PIMPINAN PAKATAN RAKYAT

4 MAC 2013


Setiap pimpinan mana-mana negara sekalipun bertanggungjawab mempertahan kedaulatan wilayah negara, keselamatan rakyat dan anggota pasukan keselamatan.

Kegagalan mempertahankan kedaulatan negara dan keselamatan rakyat merupakan satu pengkhianatan serta menodai amanah rakyat. Justeru Pakatan Rakyat berhasrat mengingatkan pimpinan negara agar tegas mempertahankan kedaulatan wilayah negara dan tidak alpa memastikan keselamatan setiap rakyat Malaysia, terutamanya di Sabah ekoran dari insiden pencerobohan sekumpulan bersenjata warga asing di sekitar Lahad Datu serta Semporna. Setiap inci tanah Sabah dan keselamatan rakyatnya wajib dipertahankan.

Pencerobohan di Lahad Datu telah mengorbankan dua nyawa perwira negara manakala insiden terbaru di Semporna pula mengorbankan enam nyawa perwira negara. Kita merakamkan ucapan takziah buat keluarga mereka dan rakyat Sabah serta berdoa moga roh mereka dicucuri rahmat.

Pakatan Rakyat juga mengajak seluruh rakyat Malaysia untuk tetap teguh mendokong pasukan keselamatan, samada dari pihak polis atau tentera. Kita berdoa moga mereka kekal selamat serta bersemangat mempertahankan negara dan rakyat Malaysia dari ancaman penceroboh.

Pakatan Rakyat sedar keadaan mutakhir di Sabah sememangnya menimbulkan kebimbangan, akan tetapi kita menyeru agar orang ramai tetap bertenang dan tidak mengambil tindakan terburu-buru atau menyebarkan berita-berita fitnah yang boleh menimbulkan keresahan. Pakatan Rakyat ingin menyatakan dengan jelas keyakinan kita terhadap kecekapan dan kebolehan anggota pasukan keselamatan. Mereka pastinya dapat menjalankan tugas dengan profesional sekiranya diberi kebebasan bertindak tanpa sebarang campurtangan politik.

Sehingga kini, kita merasa kesal dan kecewa dengan sikap kepimpinan negara yang tidak mempamerkan kewibawaan dan iltizam dalam menyelesaikan masalah ini. Pimpinan negara juga gagal menyalurkan maklumat tepat, cepat dan telus serta memberikan penjelasan terhadap apa yang berlaku kepada umum sehingga menyebabkan khabar angin tersebar luas.

Pakatan Rakyat menggesa supaya isu ini tidak dijadikan arena tuduh-menuduh dan sewajarnya kepimpinan negara memberi tumpuan kepada isu keselamatan negara serta tidak mengalihkan pandangan rakyat dari kelemahan mereka. Sewajarnya mereka menyedari, keutamaan adalah demi mempertahankan kedaulatan negara, keselamatan rakyat dan perwira negara yang bertungkus lumus di perbatasan.

Pakatan Rakyat menuntut agar segera diadakan satu sidang khas Parlimen bagi membincangkan isu pencerobohan ini serta demi untuk mendapatkan gambaran sebenar insiden yang tercetus di Sabah. Kita juga berhasrat mengadakan satu persidangan meja bulat di antara pimpinan Pakatan Rakyat dengan pimpinan kerajaan dalam usaha untuk mencapai muafakat bersama berhubung isu ini.


YB DATO’ SERI ANWAR IBRAHIM
Ketua Umum KEADILAN

YB DATO’ SERI ABDUL HADI AWANG
Setiausaha Agung PAS

YB LIM KIT SIANG
Penasihat DAP

THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT SHOULD NOW PRIORITISE ON GUARANTEEING OUR TERRITORIAL INTEGRITY AND SECURITY

Any leader of any country must defend his nation’s sovereignty and the security of his people.

Failing to do so is a grave betrayal of the people’s trust in its government. Therefore, Pakatan Rakyat urges the present national leadership to do that which is required of them, to defend our land and never to compromise the safety of each and every Malaysian, and the test of those principles is ongoing in and around Sabah’s Lahad Datu and Semporna with the escalating violence brought by armed foreigners.

In Lahad Datu two of members of our security forces have lost their lives, while the latest acts in Semporna have claimed six of our men in uniform. We express our sincere condolences to these men’s families and may God bless them for they have given the highest sacrifice for a grateful nation.

Pakatan Rakyat calls on all Malaysians to show unreserved support to our security forces, both the police and military. And pray that they remain safe while defending our nation and its people from harm.

Pakatan realises the recent incidents in Sabah raise concern and fear, but we urge the public to remain calm and not to act rashly and hurt their fellow countrymen.

The coalition takes this opportunity to restate its confidence in the capacity and capability of our security forces to protect our country’s sovereignty.

We are disappointed with the weak leadership show by the federal government whose responsibility is to keep Malaysia’s security intact.

While we are convinced that national security transcends political divides and all citizens must support the security forces’ efforts, it does not abrogate the federal leadership for its lax treatment of the whole affair.
This leadership has failed to pass accurate information quickly so that the public is aware of what is happening, an error which has caused rumour-mongering to be rife.
 
We understand that the government is investigating the leader of opposition to over the armed intrusions in Sabah. We would like to state categorically that Dato’ Seri Anwar Ibrahim is in no way involved with the escalation of violence in Sabah nor the cause of it.
The Sabah intrusion is now into its fourth week (Day 23) — fourth day of hostilities — and the federal leadership appears not to have a clear plan to overcome the violation of our sovereign territory, or to stop any further intrusions. Instead Putrajaya is irresponsibly trying to avert the eyes of the people from its own role.

It is time the federal government realises its jobs is to defend and protect Malaysia, its people and the warriors on the frontline.

Pakatan urges for an immediate meeting between the leadership of our coalition and the prime minister, home minister and defence minister, followed by a special sitting of Parliament to discuss the intrusion.

We strongly demand Putrajaya stops finger-pointing at others especially Pakatan Rakyat and never to betray the trust of the Malaysian people.
 
DATO’ SERI ANWAR IBRAHIM                
Leader of the Opposition 
DATO’ SERI ABDUL HADI AWANG
PAS President

LIM KIT SIANG
DAP Adviser


MEDIA RELEASE
MARCH 4, 2013

Friday, March 1, 2013

梁自坚派发100令吉购物卷予100位士拉央乐龄人士



(士拉央1日讯)士拉央国会议员梁自坚和邓普勒州议席协调员莫哈末日前出席一项在鹅麦的百货所举办的雪州乐龄基金“走,购物去”活动,这项活动主要是要派发100令吉的购物卷60岁以上的在雪州出世或住在雪州乐龄人士,此活动当天吸引了100家乐龄人士带着家人一同出席此活动一起购物。

士拉央国会议员梁自坚指出,自民联执政就有一系列的惠民政策,而其中就有“乐龄基金”来协助需要人士,其中2500令吉将给予他们的家人以便未来能够协助他们办理身后事,而雪州政府如今也推出100令吉让乐龄人士能享受其福利。

他表示,乐龄人士今天来到这里都纷纷向他表示对雪州的政策表示欢迎,也盼望着民联在执政中央后能够获取更多的惠民政策,以便让他们生活得更加的舒适。

他说,借助着这个活动,能够为雪州长辈们减轻他们一些负担,除此以外我们在今天也发现家长们都带着一家大小来到百货购物这也制造了机会让平时忙着工作的家长们抽空聚在一起。

此活动在早上1030分开始,并在下午130分结束,梁自坚全程在现场与长辈们们互动,以便让他们和议员们有更进一步的接触和交流有关民联执政中央的政策。