Tuesday, August 9, 2022

 

Generation End Game: Threshold Requirements for Justifiable Paternalism

Control of Tobacco Product and Smoking Bill 2022

 

The Generation End Game

Most policies ratified under the World Health Organization Framework Convention on Tobacco Control (“WHO FCTC”) relates to regulatory control to reduce tobacco use. In recent years, there is a shift from reduction of tobacco use to proposals for eradication of tobacco use for a smoke-free world (“Tobacco End Game”).[1] Among the more radical proposals was one from Singapore - ‘the Tobacco Free Generation 2000’ that would deny tobacco supply to any citizen born on or after a certain date (in that case 1 January 2000) (“the Generation End Game”)[2] Since then, Singapore, Tasmania, (Australia), Guernsey (UK), Finland, New Zealand and now Malaysia have proposed Generation End Game laws.

DR 29/2022 The GEG Bill

On 2 August 2022, Parliament debated DR 29/2022, Control of Tobacco Product and Smoking Bill 2022, commonly referred to as the Generation End Game Bill (“the GEG Bill”). The GEG Bill proposes the criminalization of buying, using and possession of tobacco products for those born on 1st January 2007 and after (“the 2007 Generation”). The criminal prohibition applies not only during their teens but continues into their adulthood. The prohibition applies to the day they die even if they live to be a hundred. For this generation, the choice to smoke or to quit the habit is abrogated permanently.

The GEG Bill is not only about criminalization of tobacco use but also the infantilization of adults of this 2007 Generation.  The government treats them as incapable of making rational decisions to look after their own health, thus the government like a good parent makes the decision for them. Fair-minded people will find this absurd and unacceptable.

On the other hand, those born one day earlier, 31st December 2006 and before (“the 2006 Generation”) can buy, use, possess and smoke to their hearts’ content until their dying day without restrictions, penalties, or molestation. They retain their moral autonomy to smoke or to quit the habit.

Since there is no valid reason for the different treatment of the two generations, this is an arbitrary age discrimination.   

Means as Important as Ends

I do not smoke. I do not want my children or their generation to smoke.

I also want a smoke-free world. However, for me, the means is as important as the ends. Freedom from state harassment is equally valued as public health. If the use of the state’s coercive powers to prohibit a generation from smoking cannot be justified, the fall-out will set back public acceptance for more practical and less radical Tobacco End Game strategies.

Saving Lives

Health Minister, Khairy Jamaluddin’s rallying cry for the GEG Bill is “Let’s save some lives.” This must be weighed against the harsh reality that the GEG Bill is taking away their liberty and their freedom to choose. They are subjected to a lifetime of living in fear of prosecution, state harassment in being stopped and searched, extortion, loss of privacy and the stigma of a criminal record for smoking.

Their lives may be saved but are they any longer having a life worth living? Is it acceptable for those in this 2007 Generation, who do not even smoke, to be subjected to the same risk of harassment as those who do? Who made MPs - “Gods”- with powers to condemn a whole generation to a lifetime of misery and fear?

For the reasons stated in this article, I welcome the GEG Bill being referred to the Parliament Select Committee (“PSC”) for review. It is hoped that the PSC can rework the GEG Bill to meet the threshold requirements for justifiable paternalism or else consider alternative Tobacco End Game strategies.

Paternalism

The idea that governments may use its coercive powers to change personal behaviour of individuals without their consent is called paternalism. Paternalism offends a fundamental principle of democratic society – the individual is the best judge of his or her own personal behaviour.[3] The individual must be able to exercise his or her freedom of choice to cultivate and develop moral autonomy. Where government intervenes in people’s lives, taking away their ability to make their own choices, it undermines their ability to learn from their mistakes, to develop as morally responsible citizens and to acquire the ability to responsibly manage risks. It inevitably leads to dependence on government and diminishes self-reliance.

The Harm Principle

The only exception to the principle of freedom of choice for allowing paternalistic policies is to prevent harm to other people. This is John Stuart Mill’s “harm principle” enunciated in his treatise “On Liberty.” According to Mill when people are considered incompetent or incapable of making decisions in their own interest, the harm principle permits paternalistic intervention. For many scholars and philosophers, the harm principle is the only legitimate ground for paternalistic intervention by the State.

Health Minister Khairy Jamaluddin contends in his winding-up speech that the harm principle is satisfied. In response to his first contention on the harm to third parties by second hand smoke, this is addressed by confining smoking to restricted areas. His second contention the protection of the 2007 Generation from self-harm is tenuous. The Minister argues that the 2007 Generation is incapable of making a rational decision to stop smoking. He based this argument on the addictive nature of nicotine. This argument is not convincing for the following reasons:

a.      Nicotine addiction affects only those who smoke, the non-smokers in this 2007 Generation are not addicts. Therefore, there is no reason to hold that these non-smokers are incapable of making rational decisions;

 

b.      Many who smoked for years have been able to stop smoking on their own volition. Not by using nicotine replacement therapy or professional help. Just by the individual’s firm resolve;

The harm principle has not been satisfied.

Threshold Requirements for Justifiable Paternalism

The threshold requirements for evaluating paternalistic intervention are discrimination, proportionality and efficacy.

Unjustified Discrimination

The paternalistic policy should only apply to those at risk from the harm. The government must avoid interfering with the liberty of those not deemed to require protection.

There is no rational reason why those born on 1 January 2007 are criminally prohibited from using tobacco products while those born a day earlier can do so. The legal distinction has no public health basis and not supported by scientific evidence for the different treatment. Citizens once they have passed the age of consent should not be treated unequally.

Passing this discriminating law that targets those who presently cannot vote is not a legitimate way of making laws. If there is to be a Generation End Game then this decision should be made by the 2007 Generation when they come of age because they are the ones affected. Those who suffer no consequences have no business to impose sanctions on those who come after them.

The GEG Bill is bad on the ground of age discrimination.    

Proportionality

Paternalistic intervention must be the minimum necessary to achieve the effect of protecting those who are the subject of the policy. Paternalistic intervention must be proportionate to the problem being addressed. This is not the case for the GEG Bill.

Firstly, the enforcement powers in the GEG Bill in respect of buying, use and possession of tobacco products is disproportionate to the avowed objective of saving the 2007 Generation. Would possession of one stick of cigarette justify the following actions[4]:

a)      They are subjected to being stopped, searched and their conveyance seized;

b)     They, including girls, are subjected to the embarrassment of body searches;

c)      They are subjected to enforcement officers entering into their premises by force;

d)     Their baggage, packages and containers may be opened and examined;

e)     Access to information and data in their computers and devices are to be provided including password, encryption code, decryption code for software or hardware;

Secondly, penalties for the offences are another problem.  If the penalties are too light, they will be ignored and the law will be ineffective and fall into disrepute. If the they are too heavy, they will be disproportionate to the offence. This is already shown by the amendments to the GEG Bill in the reduction of fines from RM5,000.00 to RM500.00.[5]

Thirdly, the GEG Bill is punishing the smallest actors (the foot soldiers) in the war against tobacco use by imposing disproportionately hefty fines and heavy imprisonment terms on them.

The punishment for those who sell tobacco products to the 2007 Generation is a fine not exceeding RM20,000 or imprisonment for one year or both.

For the second offence the fine is RM30,000 and imprisonment for 2 years or both.

For body corporate the fine is not less than RM20,000.00 and not exceeding RM100,000 or 2 years imprisonment or both.

For second offence the fine is not less than RM150,000.00 and not exceeding RM300,000.00 or 3 years imprisonment.

It appears that the drafters of the GEG Bill may not have realized that those selling the tobacco products are not the big tobacco companies. Those selling are the retailers. Those at the bottom of the supply chain, eking out a modest living to make ends meet.

The drafters are shooting the cigarette vendors plying their trade at the five footways, the mama and papa grocery shops, the mamak stallholders and coffee shop operators. For the big tobacco companies, it will be business as usual: manufacturing, importing and distributing tobacco products because it is still a legal business to supply the 2006 Generation. This is impure paternalism. The class of person being interfered with is the entire retail end of the industry which are numerically far larger than the few 2007 cohort smokers.     

The GEG Bill does not meet the proportionality requirements.     

Efficacy

Paternalistic intervention can only be justifiable if there is a reasonable prospect that it will be effective in terms of immediate results and improving the capacity of the individuals to act autonomously over the longer term. Another important consideration is whether the intervention may make matters worse.

The GEG Bill is of doubtful efficacy for the following reasons:

a)      The prohibition and criminalization will lead to increased illicit market and smuggling of tobacco products. The tobacco industry may be taken over by an unregulated black market supervised by criminals, such as happened during the alcohol prohibition in the United States from 1920 to 1933 under the Volstead Act;

 

b)     The generation ban will likely be ineffective since the supply of tobacco products are still legally available to the earlier generation of smokers;

 

c)      There is no scientific or other reliable evidence on the effectiveness of the GEG;

 

d)     There is a danger that the law will fall into disrepute. Prohibitions create opportunities for corruption that all in Malaysia are unfortunately well familiar with;     

Importance of satisfying threshold requirements for Paternalistic Laws

The GEG Bill is not the first and will not be the last paternalistic policy that the government will be called upon to enact. There will be increasing calls for paternalistic laws as more scientific evidence and greater knowledge become available of the costs to individuals and society of certain forms of personal behaviour such as: gambling, consumption of unhealthy food, alcohol abuse as with smoking tobacco.

There are already frequent and loud calls for paternalistic laws in our multiracial and multi-religious society to prohibit various personal behaviour, consumption of certain foods, manner of dressing, activities, forms of entertainment and festivals. It is important that the GEG Bill satisfies the threshold requirements for justifiable paternalism. Otherwise, the lowering of threshold requirements will open the floodgates to calls for the prohibition of various behaviour that interferes with the privacy and autonomy of diverse groups. These are not justifiable paternalistic policies but they will try to slip through under the guise of public health.   

Conclusion

As the WHO Director-General said in the keynote address at the International Conference on Public Health Priorities in the 21st Century: The Endgame for Tobacco on 11 September 2013[6]:

“If all the harms caused by tobacco were known earlier on, tobacco products would never have been marketed and sold like any other consumer product.”

In considering proposals to correct this grievous mistake, the WHO Director-General offered the following advice on Tobacco End Games:

“… Fourth, recognize the diversity of factors that drive the tobacco epidemic in different economic and cultural contexts. These contexts also create their own unique barriers to success. A diversity of endgame strategies, as opposed to a single global strategy might be needed to accommodate these different contexts. Provision of a menu of strategic and policy options might be another wise way forward.

Fifth, be realistic.”

It is hoped that both the Health Minister and the PSC take into consideration our unique Malaysia economic and cultural contexts when reviewing the GEG Bill. The Minister and the PSC ought to accept the WHO-Director’s advice to look at a menu of strategic options that may be more realistic and achievable that the arbitrary banning of a generation from tobacco use.

William JK Leong

Member of Parliament Selayang

6th August 2022



[1] Human Rights and the Ethical Considerations for a Tobacco-free Generation file:///C:/Users/USER/Downloads/tobaccocontrol-2013-051125.pdf

 

[2] Khoo D, Chiam Y, Ng P, Phasing-out tobacco: Proposal to deny access to tobacco for those born from 2000 Tob Control 2010: 19: 355-60  https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/20876075/

[3] Paternalism in social policy when is it justifiable – Parliament of Australia https://www.aph.gov.au/About_Parliament/Parliamentary_Departments/Parliamentary_Library/pubs/rp/rp1011/11rp08

[4] Part IX Sections 25 -40 GEG Bill

[5] Amendment in Committee to GEG Bill

[6] WHO Director-General considers the tobacco end game. Keynote Address 11 September 2013 https://www.who.int/director-general/speeches/detail/who-director-general-considers-the-tobacco-endgame

 

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